History of Archaeology
By Dr Debbie Challis (LSE Library)
On the declaration of the First World War, suffrage work was ceased. Millicent Garrett Fawcett sent a message to the societies of the NUWSS: “Let us prove ourselves worth of citizenship, whether our claim be recognised or not”.
Members of the NUWSS did not whole heartedly support war work – many were pacifists and internationalists. As the organisation was democratically run, there were fears of a split. In the event, organisations evolved from the suffrage societies as women applied the skills they had learnt or brought to suffrage campaigning to the war effort or, for more unpopular, movements for peace.
Philippa Strachey, the secretary of the London Society of Women’s Suffrage (LSWS), was herself partially responsible for creating the Women’s Service Bureau in the first week of the war. This organisation came out of the LSWS and immediately began to find accommodation for Belgian refugees, organise War Relief Committees, hospital stores and dozens of other activities. Later it assisted in the recruitment of women for government and military positions, as well as munition workers. The experience of organising numerous suffrage rallies, committees, petitions and etc. were put to use by women.
Flinders Petrie was a prominent public figure and involved in political issues and commentary as well as archaeology. Soon after the war began Petrie wrote a letter ‘How to be useful in war time’ to The Times on 21 August 1914 about factory conditions and the support of out of work garment makers.
He suggested that the people put out of work in the clothes industry by the war were reemployed to make hospital clothes in readiness, such as was being done at University College Hospital, and that donations could be made to the Anti-Sweating League. Petrie provided "Miss Eckenstein"’s address at Greencroft Gardens for contributions.
This was presumably Lina Eckenstein, an older friend of Hilda’s, who had been on excavations with her and was a campaigner for women’s suffrage. After the declaration of war there was an immediate slump in fashion, dress and clothes sales, with redundancies and considerable hardship amongst workers who, already existing on temporary contracts and low pay, had hand to mouth employment. Lina Eckenstein’s charity and Petrie’s publicising of it was one of a number of acts to assist redundant women from this industry.
In addition, Hilda Petrie placed the subscriptions to the British School of Archaeology in Egypt into a war loan – people bought bonds or loans to help pay for the war effort. Hilda soon put all her fundraising efforts into the war effort, or rather a section of it.
The surgeon Dr Elsie Inglis was a prominent Suffragist who was based in Edinburgh. She was a highly qualified and regarded doctor who had set up hospitals and trained other female doctors in Scotland. Inglis wanted to set up female run hospital units behind the main areas of fighting so teams of medics could treat casualties quickly.
In September 1914 she approached both the NUWSS and the War Office to offer her services as a doctor and as an organiser. She was infamously ‘sent home’ by an official at the War Office and told ‘My good lady, go home and sit still’. Sitting still was not something Inglis did. She, fortunately, persuaded Millicent Fawcett and the NUWSS committee to assist her in setting up Scottish Women’s Hospitals for Home and Foreign Service, which was run from the former suffragist offices in Edinburgh.
In October 1914 Inglis spoke on the scheme in a lecture ‘What women can do to help the war’ at Kingsway Hall in London and a London Units of the Scottish Women’s Hospitals was founded by early 1915. Edith Palliser, an elderly Irish suffragist, was the Chair, Hilda Flinders Petrie the Honorary Secretary and Viscountess Cowdray the treasurer.
Inglis recruited and formed all women medical units. The Scottish Women’s Hospitals funded, assisted with recruitment, ordered and shipped supplies for these operations. The British War Office would have nothing to do with these units, but the Allies of France and Serbia gratefully accepted Inglis’ offer of help.
Soon women’s hospitals were established in France in November 1914 and Serbia in 1915. In April 1915 the chief medical officer of the Serbian unit fell ill and Inglis went out to replace her. She established two further units in Serbia before the area she was working in was occupied by the Germans in the autumn. After becoming a prisoner of war, she was allowed to return home in February 1916.
While in London and Edinburgh she organised awareness of the situation in Serbia, including a high profile lecture at the Criterion Theatre London the following day.
Hilda Petrie was on the list of stewards for this lecture and display of support for the besieged Serbs – a handwritten list in the notes for this lecture records her being positioned in the dress circle. She was, however, also down to sit on the ‘platform’, i.e. on the stage as a high profile supporter and fundraiser. In a postcard note reply to the platform invitation, Hilda suggests that her husband Professor Flinders Petrie (she underlines professor!) takes her place.
In the event, a seating diagram shows us that Flinders Petrie sat in stalls but as a platform ticket holder as there were so many on the platform already. Was Hilda in her role as war-time fundraiser and co-ordinator more important than her high profile husband?
Inglis wanted to raise money for units in Mesopotamia but her plans were ‘sabotaged by the war office’ and later in the year she led a hospital unit to Southern Russia and ended up in Romania. The Unit left Liverpool for Odessa (there is a blow by blow account in E. S. McLaren’s Scottish Women’s Hospitals) and was specifically sponsored by the London Units.
Hilda Petrie played a prominent role in reports and fundraising according to notes in the fundraising archives. Images of Elsie Inglis, presumably belonging to Hilda Petrie, were donated by her daughter Ann Petrie to the Imperial War Museum.
The photograph of Inglis in the field was reproduced in newspapers, e.g. The Daily Record and Mail on 15 January 1917, and sold as a postcard, such as the copy reproduced here, presumably to make money for the war effort. There is an intriguing letter from Inglis to Hilda Petrie dated 8 May 1917 that is reproduced in Frances Balfour’s biography of Inglis, the first paragraph is quoted in full:
Dear Mrs. Petrie,—How perfectly splendid about the Egyptologists. Miss Henderson brought me your message, saying how splendidly they are subscribing. That is of course all due to you, you wonderful woman. It was such a tantalising thing to hear that you had actually thought of coming out as an Administrator, and that you found you could not. I cannot tell you how splendid it would have been if you could have come.... I want “a woman of the world” ... and I want an adaptable person, who will talk to the innumerable officers who swarm about this place, and ride with the girls, and manage the officials!
It reveals Hilda had evidently brought the subscriptions of ‘the Egyptologists’ to the London Units and had even considered making the journey to southern Russia herself. There is potentially more evidence of Hilda’s involvement in Inglis’ letters.
Postcard image of Dr Elsie Inglis and other women from the London units of Scottish Women's Hospitals in Romania, printed inscription front: 'DR ELSIE INGLIS ON RETREAT LONDON UNITS OF THE SWH IN RUMANIA', manuscript inscription reverse: 'Miss Stephenson Francis Holland School for Girls, Clarence Gate, NW Speaker for march on & other hand work. Monday March 12'. Scottish Women's Hospitals. The Women’s Collection at LSE Library.
Inglis was gravely ill with stomach cancer in 1917 but, against the backdrop of the Russian revolution in 1917 and withdrawal of Russia from the war, she refused to leave battlefield until the Serbian units had safely left. Towards the end she directed others in carrying out surgical procedures as she was too weak to stand to do them herself. She finally reached Newcastle with other members of her unit, where she died on 26 November 1917.
Hilda attended her funeral service on 30 November and the memorial service a week later at Westminster Abbey. According to the records of the London Units, Hilda continued with fundraising and co-ordinating work through the summer of 1918. She was presented to King George V and Queen Mary on 19 February 1918 with other members of her committee.
I have only peered into some of the files of the London Units that we have at LSE Library. There is potentially more research that could be done around Hilda Petrie’s war work. I would argue that not only has her archaeological work and administration been overshadowed by her husband until relatively recently but also her work in World War One had an importance that we underestimate today.
Lady Petrie’s obituary in The Times on 4 December 1956 was written by Margaret Murray, in which she mentions her ‘charm of words’ and how she ‘unaided raised the money’ for the excavations, and (crucially) by Lady Isabel Hutton. Hutton was a doctor who had served in the Scottish Women’s Hospitals and commanded the unit accompanying the Serbian army in its advance in 1918. Hutton wrote an accompanying letter in The Times on Hilda's death that Hilda supported her during the war and then after fundraised for the founding of the Serbian Medical Women’s Scholarship Fund and mentioned that a hospital Hilda worked hard to raise money for is still in use:
It is rewarding to reflect that the establishments which Lady Petrie did so much to bring about in Yugoslavia not only continue to exist but go on developing and seem likely to do so for many years to come.
Hilda’s legacy in southeastern Europe is yet to be understood. . .
N.B. This note from Hilda, checking that what she heard on the phone was correct, reveals how members of the committee of the London Unit communicated. It indicates that these well to do women used their phones to do much of the day to day organisation, which may account for a relative lack of written correspondence. It is something to consider when looking for archives of organisations (especially those run by women?) from the 1910s onward.
References / Further Reading:
Balfour, F. 1920. Dr. Elsie Inglis. London: Hodder & Stoughton.
Lawrence, M. 1971. Shadow of Swords. A Biography of Elsie Inglis, London: Michael Joseph.
Leneman, L. Inglis, Elsie Maud (1864-1917), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, published 23 September 2004, Https://doi.org/10.1093/ref;odnb/34101.
Strachey, R. 1927. Women’s Suffrage and Women’s Service: The History of the London and National Society for Women’s Service, Westminster.
By Dr Debbie Challis (LSE Library)
After ten years working in public engagement at the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology UCL I left for all things in political, social and economic science at LSE Library. LSE Library holds, among other archives, the Women’s Library, which has the largest collection of material relating to women’s history, particularly the campaign for female suffrage, in the UK. My former colleague Alice Stevenson wondered if there was anything relating to Hilda Petrie (nee Urlin) in The Women’s Library @ LSE archives.
I searched and duly found a letter from Flinders Petrie dated 20 June 1912 referring to his wife’s current illness and then her inability to take on any more work for the London Society for Women’s Suffrage (LSWS) as she would be too busy working for him.*
It is, perhaps, darkly ironic that Petrie refuses activist or campaigning work for women’s suffrage on behalf of his wife as he was reliant on her skills with subscribers. It does suggest though that Flinders Petrie was largely supportive of his wife’s (and his colleagues’ and students’) involvement in the campaign for women to have the vote. However, to find Hilda’s voice one has to dig a little deeper in the archives and explore the context of her involvement more fully.
In his 1912 letter Flinders Petrie is writing to Philippa Strachey, the secretary of the LWSS, who was, like her mother Lady Jane Strachey and sister Ray Strachey, an ardent suffragist.** The London Society for Women’s Suffrage (LSWS) was affiliated to the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and the largest such society in the UK with 4,000 paying members by 1912. It and other suffragist societies followed law abiding means of campaigning – petitions, speeches, processions – not the militant tactics used by suffragettes in the Women’s Social and Political Union (1903) or the Women’s Freedom League (1907). Women and some men in suffragist organisations had been formally campaigning for the vote since the 1860s but had become more formally organised in 1897.
In the summer of 1912 Flinders Petrie may not have approved of the NUWSS since their leader Millicent Garrett Fawcett was urging support for the Labour Party as the only political party supporting women’s suffrage, an action that divided suffragists. Many felt that the NUWSS should remain 'non-party' and kept out of partisan politics, let alone make links with socialists whom many feared were dangerous radicals. Flinders Petrie was a member of the Anti-Socialist Society. However, it is likely that he needed all assistance with his exhibition at University College London of finds from the British School of Archaeology in Egypt’s season at Kafr Ammar and Heliopolis. As Amara Thornton notes the exhibition was fundamental for Petrie's fundraising due to the system of 'partage' - dividing objects between subscribers - that was then in place. This letter reveals how reliant Flinders Petrie was on his wife Hilda in this process.
From the time of her marriage to Flinders Petrie in 1897, Hilda worked as a fundraiser for the excavations in Egypt and later Palestine until the late 1930s, which has been well documented by Margaret Drower and Rachael Sparks. Her charm was legendary and she wrote to all subscribers personally as well as arranging public lectures and writing articles for popular magazines, as Sparks has shown. Whether she was fundraising for the suffragists is, as yet, unclear but Petrie’s pocket diaries occasionally records Hilda’s attendance at suffrage meetings, such as this entry from 25 July 1913.
It is an important entry as the next day was the large rally of suffragists in Hyde Park after their month of a Great Pilgrimage from all parts of the country. This was in an attempt to be heard by the Liberal government and to change public opinion of women campaigning for the vote; arguably militant suffragette violence, such as arson, had undermined the campaign and image of women seeking the vote.
More work digging in the archives (in meeting minutes during the 1910s, for example) is needed to fully ascertain the role of Hilda in the suffragist campaign. Her role may have been limited due to the time spent outside of the country on excavations. Certainly many of her circle were involved in the campaign for female suffrage as well as writing in journals and giving lectures - public engagement for the cause that Hilda would later carry out for Egyptology and the BSAE.
For example, Hilda’s friend Beatrice Orme was sister to Eliza, the first woman to obtain a LLB (law degree) from the University of London and an early member of the London National Society for Women's Suffrage (a forerunner of the LSWS). Eliza wrote on practical solutions to problems for women and argued for education and independence for women in popular journals. By the time Eliza and Beatrice were living together in Tulse Hill in the late 1890s, Beatrice was also attending excavations in Egypt with Hilda.
Margaret Drower mentions that 'suffragette Philippa Fawcett' was one of Hilda’s neighbours and ‘idols’ when growing up. Philippa was daughter of NUWSS president Millicent Garrett Fawcett and became a senior wrangler in Mathematics at Cambridge, but could not be awarded the scholarship due to being a woman. She wrote once for a suffragette journal but, like her mother, was a suffragist.
We can surmise Hilda’s involvement and beliefs from those of her friends and acquaintances but her involvement in the women's movement is more clear and well documented through her activities during the First World War.
To be continued...
Crawford, E. 1999. The Women’s Suffrage Movement. Reference Guide 1866 – 1928, London: Taylor & Francis / UCL Press.
Drower, M. 1985. Flinders Petrie: A Life in Archaeology. London: Gollancz.
Howsam, L. ‘Orme, Eliza (1848–1937)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/37825: Published in print: 23 September 2004, online: 23 September 2004.
Petrie, William Matthew Flinders, Letter to Philippa Strachey, dated 20 June 1912, The Women’s Library @ LSE, Autograph Letter Collection: 9/01/1002
Sparks, R.2013. PUBLICISING PETRIE: Financing Fieldwork in British Mandate Palestine (1926–1938). Present Pasts 5(1), p.Art. 2. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/pp.56
Thornton, A. 2015. Exhibition Season: Annual Archaeological Exhibitions in London, 1880s-1930s. Bulletin of the History of Archaeology 25 (1)p.Art.2: DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/bha.252
*20 June 1912
I regret to say that Mrs Petrie is obliged to take entire rest at present as she has been unwell lately; and she has a very tiring month before her of daily attention to subscribers at the Exhibition of the British School of Archaeology, the whole personal detail of which is in her hands.
She will therefore be unable to undertake anything else until the end of July. I write as she is away for entire rest.
Wm. F. Petrie
**Her brother was Lytton Strachey, member of the Bloomsbury Group and author of the caustic Eminent Victorians.
How Hauser & Wirth put traditional museum display and practice under scrutiny at Frieze London 2017
By Dr Neil Wilkin (The British Museum)
Once, at a New Year’s Eve party in South London, I was introduced by a tipsy friend as the ‘Curator of Bronze at the British Museum’. What, all bronze? From all over the world? For all time? Gee, is that a thing?
‘As it happens, I curate the British and European Bronze Age collection...from about 5,000 years ago to about 3,000 years ago….dates vary across Europe depending on the spread of the first metallurgy and on whether we are talking about the Copper Age (the Chalcolithic) or Bronze Age ‘proper’ when copper was mixed with tin to form…’
By the time I’d issued that sober corrective the bells had well and truly tolled.
Until recently, mention of the Bronze Age was not on any school curriculum and its common for even the best-read to ask whether iron came before or after bronze - one rusts like hell after all. And even if you do know when it was, why is it important to describe what it was with reference to an inert lump of metal? Have we dozed through Sociology and History straight into Chemistry? Would ‘banking age’, ‘digital age’, ‘Internet age’, sum up the complexity, the highs and lows of your life, today? But these are old arguments, well rehearsed. It was intriguing, then, to read that Professor Mary Beard from University of Cambridge was to collaborate with the contemporary and modern gallery Hauser & Wirth to create a booth entitled ‘BRONZE AGE c. 3500 BC – AD 2017’ at Frieze London.
For the uninitiated, Frieze London is an international contemporary art fair held every October in Regent’s Park. It's formed of many individual gallery booths housed within a village of temporary tents that belie the huge wealth and money making potential of modern art. Not everyone is a fan. A spectacularly gruesome review of last year's fair by Keith Miller was titled, ‘How Frieze eats the soul’ and describes the whole event as a ‘travesty of everything art should be, devoid of any joy or freedom, of any true call to inquisitiveness or critical thought’ . It’s all the more notable, then, that Mary Beard has collaborated with Hauser & Wirth, a blue-chip art gallery. Unlike most, they have pursued a thematic approach to their Frieze booth for the last two years. Last year the artist’s studio, this year an imaginary (‘fictional’, ‘forgotten’) museum.
The colour palette is immediately suggestive of a museum out of time: cream, beige and brown framed by varnished wood and plenty of reflective glass and perspex. There are some nice touches. The museum’s old heavy wooden doors have small glass panes and are the kind that either swing back to reveal our most formative memories or waft us away with a skelp. Other props evoke time and place: a red fire bucket and retro extinguisher, framed line drawings of archaeological monuments and artefact catalogues cover the walls in tight rows. A humidity monitor has the protective plastic screen still attached, appropriately faux numbers appearing on its face. A temporary removal slip notes that one object has been lent to the British Museum. Finally, a gift-shop sells rubbers and leather bookmarks of the type purchased on every school trip since the Bronze Age.
The revenue from this shop reportedly raised £10,000 in donations for UK regional museums, which we should applaud while simultaneously averting our eyes from the eye-watering price tags of the works sold by Hauser & Wirth; one sculpture by Hans Arp sold for $1.1m during the fair.
Bronze as an enduring medium for art has already been explored by a major Royal Academy show in 2012. That exhibition explored how artists and craftspeople have manipulated the physical properties and qualities of bronze to create masterpieces for 5,000 years. Hauser & Wirth’s display cannot fairly be considered in the same breath but the contrast is informative: rather than focus on the materiality of bronze, they bring together an unexpected and sometimes unremarkable range of objects of different dates, periods and kinds. Some are average museum fare: axes and tools from Bronze Age hoards that are to be found in most regional and national museums across Britain. Others are are staples of more conventional Frieze and Frieze Masters displays, including work by Louise Bourgeois and Henry Moore. The added value comes from the juxtaposition of these objects which is achieved primarily through the tricks and tropes of museum presentation.
Mary Beard’s involvement and intervention provides a compelling edge. She facilitated loans from several regional UK and international museums and ‘plays’ the part of the expert curator. The results are not mere whimsy. The ‘themes’ explored in the interpretation panels: ‘Domestic Life’; ‘Fertility and the body’; ‘Religion and burial’; ‘Decoration and adornment’; ‘War and battle’, largely echo those of the British Museum’s European Bronze Age displays in Gallery 51. The text of each is short and clear but the overall tone is over-cautious and stereotyped:
‘Pots were being made for all different purposes…’
‘Bronze Age metalsmiths made beautiful jewellery from bronze age gold.’
This knowing blandness is strangely reassuring in our over-complex world. But the satire is fair. My own attempts to bring the Bronze Age to the widest possible audience have often centred on similar themes, and many of the stock phrases, ideas and narratives they contain. There was an immediate flinch of embarrassment that gave way to a catharsis of sorts. Let’s think and talk and act on the narratives that recur ad nauseum, let’s look for better ways of telling our stories and let’s look with fresh eyes.
On occasion contemporary works are featured on the panels alongside ancient ones, continuing the strategy of blurring modern/ancient boundaries. An image of the Venus of Willendorf appears on the panel for the ‘Fertility and the body’ theme where it is described as a ‘Bronze Age fertility goddess’. This is only inaccurate by about 20,000 years. Anachronistic playfulness of this sort can be fun but it is certainly not new. Ice Age Art (curated by the British Museum’s Jill Cook in 2013) cleverly combined masterpieces from deep history with modern works by the likes of Henry Moore and Matisse to make far more powerful and interesting points about humanity by juxtaposing objects of ‘archaeology’ and ‘art’.
The digital element of the display is particularly generous: an audio guide that can be downloaded via iTunes, films of Beard discussing objects playing on rotation in the gallery and on a dedicated exhibition website and a slick online catalogue, all of which have an amusing authenticity. The book cases behind Beard in the films are reminiscent of those featured in the British Museum’s recent ‘Curators Corner’ series on YouTube.
In one audio guide entry, ‘Unknown Axe’, Beard discusses a humble Late Bronze Age socketed axe borrowed from the Great North Museum in Newcastle. She rightly points out that these were ‘everyday’ objects and that ‘nothing could have looked more ordinary’ (to Bronze Age people). Each year metal detectorists find hundreds of similar objects across England and in the British Museum stores there are drawers upon drawers. For Beard, archaeologists are akin to artists because they fill museum cases with objects that ‘just happen to be very old’ for us to admire. Perhaps, but this does seem like a gross simplification of what both artists and archaeologists can do. Perhaps more interesting is what’s known but unsaid about this ‘unknown’ object: that it’s likely to reflect a particular regional identity and that by using the latest technologies it is possible to tell what the axe was used for, and that by studying the context of its deposition it is possible to explore its cultural and religious symbolism. There is no reason for Beard, a Classicist by profession, to know this, but there is a need for archaeologists and curators to better communicate their knowledge and ideas.
In another audioguide entry, Beard discusses Subodh Gupta’s bronze potatoes, connecting them to a sadistic joke played by Roman emperors inviting lower status dinner guests to feasts then presenting them with artificial food so that they could only watch on while their masters gorged on the real thing. With tickets for Frieze selling for £40, the story is certainly prescient, not least for the local museum curators and archaeologists fortunate enough to find themselves at Frieze London 2017.
The collaboration has been described by Beard a satire and there is certainly fun and humour. But at times it can feel like an in-joke that employs the aesthetic of the underfunded public museum to promote the intellectual calibre of a very successful private gallery. There’s something rather ill judged about the head of the gallery’s senior director, Neil Wenman, being minted on a specially made hoard of coins displayed in a healthy pile at the centre of a large bronze bowl. There are other uneasy elements. When reproduced images appear on gallery panels there are copyright captions for the contemporary work but not for museum objects or photographs and reconstruction drawings of archaeological sites. This reflects an important disparity between the successful commercialisation of modern art galleries and the debates that still surround how museums can and should charge for image use.
Hauser & Wirth also make much of the inclusion of eBay purchases ‘masquerading’ as archaeological finds. Of course many ‘real’ archaeological finds do end up on eBay, even in Britain, where our standards of archaeological recording and retention of finds in museum collections is world leading. Finds made by metal detectorists can be legitimately sold and bought if they do not qualify as Treasure under the stipulations of the Treasure Act (1996) and Designation Order (2002), or if museum acquisition isn’t desirable or financially viable.
To really understand what the display is satirising, we need to go back to the groundbreaking work of 19th century archaeologist Christian Jurgensen Thomsen’s ‘Three Age System’. Without any of the benefit of modern scientific dating techniques, Thomsen was able to define a tripartite division of time: first there were artefacts of stone, then bronze and then iron. The framework was quickly refined into many more sub-divisions of time across Europe, helping to create the very structure of knowledge about what happened in a period without writing. Only since the advent of reliable scientific dating techniques in the 1990s have we been freed from the system of inferences that Thomsen bequeathed us. It is easy to forget how fundamental and ingrained the system became. If it still casts its shadow across archaeology and underfunded museums it is hardly surprising but it is important that academic and curators begin the process of telling new, more inventive and liberated stories about this period of time: the stories of the people behind the jargon.
I left Hauser & Wirth’s booth with mixed emotions but full of thoughts. It evoked memories of my local museum from childhood and the underfunded and fossilised galleries that are all too common today. These institutions evoke a pang of sadness mixed with nostalgia. But the narratives that are rightly satirised by Beard et al. are not the preserve of local museums alone, they are also present in nationals and in the headline stories we still tell the public. New and better narratives are clearly needed. Careful thought must be given to maintaining the kinesthetic ‘life’ that old museum displays and designs provoke and to the transportive and disruptive power of nostalgia.
But while we are still busy reflecting, Hauser & Wirth will be planning next October’s aesthetic conceit, perhaps another fig leaf on the hyper-commercialisation of the contemporary art world. Let us hope they’ll rise to their own challenge, turning the mirror back on themselves and on Frieze itself.
'BRONZE AGE c. 3500 BC – AD 2017', Hauser & Wirth, Booth D10, was at Frieze London, Regent’s Park, October 5-8, 2017.
It will be re-staged at FirstSite, Colchester, from November, 2017.
By Dr Jamie Larkin (Birkbeck)
The history of museums has recently begun to garner increasing academic attention. While this is welcome, the focus of such intellectual enquiry has tended to rest with the evolution of collections and nature of exhibitionary practices. As yet, little attention has been given over to considering the development of the museum in an operational capacity. Examining the managerial, bureaucratic, commercial and histories of museums can help shed light their institutional development, specifically how their production of culture related to wider social contexts.
This post outlines the development of museum postcards as a way for museums to spread knowledge of their collections, but also the nascent commercialism their sale helped inaugurate. Having changed little terms of form or content in the 100+ years since they were first introduced museum postcards are a particularly interesting subject of enquiry; a museum-goer in 1900 would have no problem recognising and using postcards sold in the British Museum today. While this post can only provide a brief overview, museum postcards provide us with a relatively static cultural form with which we can trace attitudes across time. As such there is great scope to consider various cultural and economic facets of museum development through these objects.
The postcard was first introduced in Austria in 1869, and in the UK the following year. Its early form consisted of a blank card on which a short message could be written on one side, along with the recipient’s address. The postcard revolutionised forms of communication in the mid-to-late 19th century: it turned the formal and expensive tradition of letter writing into a system by which people could correspond more causally and cheaply. The popularity was evident in that 575,000 postcards were sent on their first day of sale (Staff, 1966: 48). These early postcards were primarily produced by the Post Office and thus regulated by the state. However, towards the end of the 19th century regulations were loosened and private stationery firms entered the market.
These firms saw potential in the gradual changes that the form of postcards were undergoing. In the 1890s ‘Pictorial Postcards’ were introduced with an image on the front (e.g. an exotic location/famous landmark) and space for writing on the reverse. The novelty and cheapness of sharing visual images resulted in a massive increase in their popularity, leading to what is generally termed the ‘Golden Age’ of postcards. An example of the scale of postcard enterprises may be found with the London-based stationery and printing firm of Raphael Tuck & Sons Ltd. From printing their first series of Pictorial Postcards in 1899 of London views, they had 10,000 different cards by 1903 (Staff, 1966; see also Anon, 2017).
The popularity of postcards meant that a massive range of images were produced, from the unique to the mundane. Museums and ancient monuments – the subject of the burgeoning wave of tourism - were prime subjects for postcards. It is difficult to pinpoint the first time a British museum is depicted in a postcard. Staff (1966: 65) has suggested the earliest instances were in postcards manufactured by the firm of Wrench in the early 1900s for (privately owned) Warwick Castle, some Office of Works sites, the National Gallery and the Tower of London. However, Sadler’s recently published collection (2016) demonstrates the range of museum postcards at this time was much broader, featuring postmarked postcards depicting the following: British Museum (1901), Grand Hotel, Museum & Aquarium, Scarborough (1902), Bury Art Gallery (1903), Harris Free Library and Museum, Preston (1903) and Leicester Museum (1903). Significantly, the British Museum card was manufactured by Raphael Tuck while the Scarborough card was produced in Saxony, reflecting the continental nature of the postcard craze.
The extent to which museums benefited economically from the early circulation of these images is unclear. Staff (1966: 65) does not comment on whether commercial agreements were in place in order for these cards to be sold onsite. It does seem likely that for internal photography of museums some negotiation (and therefore consent) was likely entered into, but the situation is unclear where only the exterior of museum building was the subject, particularly for sites that did not sell postcards themselves.
One of the earliest recorded examples of a museum pro-actively harnessing the popularity of postcards is the British Museum. In 1912 the Museum partnered with Oxford University Press and produced a range of postcards detailing items in its collection, ranging over 135 subjects and costing one penny each. The same year the Museum introduced its first catalogue stall, providing, for the first time, a bespoke sales area for its publications, guidebooks, and its range of postcards. This was a specific effort to attempt to ‘widen the influence and increase the interest of the museum’ (British Museum, 1913).The Museum sold 155,000 postcards in its first year, and the endeavour was judged a great success in subsequent annual reports. In this context postcards provided popular, educational souvenirs for visitors that allowed the Museum to disseminate particular images of its collection. It also provided a useful economic resource for the museum that would play an important part in funding the organisation’s publications schedule in years ahead (see Larkin 2016: 68-96).
While similar schemes were introduced at institutions of comparable size, such as the National Gallery (1915) and the V&A (c.1915), development in the provinces was probably somewhat slower, as it was unlikely that either appropriate sales infrastructure or a desire to enter into commercial relationships were in place. An indication as to how these relationships played out may be gleamed from the Dorman Museum, Middlesbrough. In 1914, Baker Hudson, the librarian and curator received a request from a Mr Beckwith, a photographer, who proposed to take photographs in the gallery for reproduction as postcards. He suggested a small fee in lieu of royalties, but this was something the rate-funded Library and Museum did not feel they could accept and the offer was declined. The earliest reference to the Museum selling postcards is 1926 (Louise Harrison, pers comm, 2015).
Beyond commercial considerations, which for all but the larger sites would have likely been nugatory, the more important aspect of postcard production was that institutions were able to control visual representations of their site and collections. This was the case for ancient monuments, which in the early years of the 20th century had become increasingly popular with day-trippers. With this growing tourism souvenir sales had taken hold at a number of sites, in particular Stonehenge, resulting in variety of images of the site in circulation (see Richards, 2009). When Stonehenge was taken into guardianship in 1918, the Ministry of Works prohibited such paraphernalia, introducing their own guidebook and postcard selection shortly afterwards, enabling them to frame interpretation of the site in ways they saw fit.
By the 1930s, the growth of postcard sales at museums and other site had become more commonplace. Indeed, new series were announced in the Museums Journal, such as a series of 12 that Peterborough Museum published in 1934 (vol 34/iss 2). Intriguingly, the influence of postcards on taste was specifically addressed by J.E. Barton (1934: 309), in a speech to the Museums Association in the 1930s. He noted:
"All of you are forced by circumstance to retain on your walls many pictures that you know are bad, pictures that you would burn if you could. Might you not at least refrain from trading in postcards which perpetuate these empty survivals, and the sale of which appears to invest them with official commendation. If you take a parallel from literature, no State-aided school would now be permitted to bring up its pupils on the poetical works of Mrs. Hemas or Adelaide Anne Procter. But the postcard and photograph stalls of every museum in the country give actual prominence to pictorial works, compared with which the lyrics of those ladies are intellectually important and emotionally dignified."
Here then, postcard was deemed so important to the overall cultural impact of museums, that a curatorial focus on the commercial aspects of the institution was called for. Such calls were increasingly made into the 1940s and 1950s, with a report drawn up for Dartington Hall noting that the purpose of art galleries should be ‘to stimulate a wider and deeper knowledge and appreciation of art and design in order to raise the prevailing standard of public taste’, and that postcards have an important part to play in such endeavours (DHT, 1946: 31, 105).
Further work needs to be done to develop a more detailed understanding of the cultural and economic impact of museum postcards in the museum, but it is clear that their introduction played, and continues to play, a small but significant role in museum operations. Postcards provide a means by which museums can regulate external images of cultural objects beyond the galleries, what Malraux (1967) has termed the ‘museum without walls’. Moreover, the sale of these items created a commercial aperture in the museum: a space in which visitors could make choices on the types of image to take away with them, creating a feedback loop that would gradually inform relations between the museum and its public.
Hopefully this post shows that areas of museum activity that are often considered incidental to its core curatorial function can reveal important insights. Indeed, there are a number of other areas ripe for exploration, looking at historical museum operations from the broom cupboard, to catering facilities, to the board room. Specifically, approaching museums in this way serves to reintroduce the human aspect to their study. As much understanding the historical outputs of these institutions, we need to understand how museums were used as living, working, spaces. Perhaps nowhere has the social aspect been better broached that in Penelope Fitzgerald’s (2014 ) fictionalised account of the British Museum in The Golden Child. In the end, through knowing more about the inner workings of the institution, we may better understand the ways and means by which public culture has been and continues to be produced.
Anon. 2017. History of Raphael Tuck & Sons Ltd. [accessed 15 July 2017]. Available at: https://tuckdb.org/history
Barton, J.E. 1934. The Education of Public Taste. Museums Journal 34 (8): 297 -308.
Fitzgerald, P. 2014 . The Golden Child. London: Fourth Estate.
Larkin, J. 2016. 'All Museums Will Become Department Stores’: The Development and Implications of Retailing at Museums and Heritage Sites. Archaeology International 19: 109–121. DOI: http://doi.org/10.5334/ai.1917 [open access]
Larkin, J. 2016. Trading on the Past: an examination of the cultural and economic roles of shops at museums and heritage sites. Unpublished PhD thesis, University College London.
Malraux, A. 1967. Museum without walls. New York: Doubleday & Company.
Richards, J. 2009. Inspired by Stonehenge. Stroud: Hobnob Press.
Sadler, N. 2016. Museums: The Postcard Collection. Stroud: Amberley.
Staff, F. 1966. The Picture Postcard & Its Origins. London: Lutterworth Press.
British Museum. 1913. Account of the Income and Expenditure of the British Museum for the year ending the 31st day of March, 1913. London: British Museum archive.
By Heba Abd el Gawad (co-curator, Beyond Beauty)
Little can go wrong with an exhibition on ancient Egypt. The public fascination with the culture-especially within the UK- is a definite guarantee of beyond decent visitor numbers. Yet how can you convince the public that there is more to ancient Egypt than the Rosetta Stone, Pharaohs, pyramids, mummies and Howard Carter? The team behind Beyond Beauty, the fifth installment of Two Temple Place Winter Exhibition series, accepted the challenge.
The exhibition honestly attempted to display the ancient Egyptians but (to quote the then paper Independent) “not as you know them”. It brought together for the first time from Bagshaw, Bexhill, Bolton, Brighton, Ipswich, Macclesfield, Rochdale museums ancient Egyptian objects layered with perceptions and presentations of body and appearance. In doing so the exhibition revealed the ordinary ancient Egyptians and also the complexities of balancing scholarly and public use of ancient Egypt and how the 'academia v the public' debate is heated up within museums. It proposed musketeers, curvy ladies, and Victorian crowd-funders as mediators between ancient and modern Egypt, the public, and Egyptology within any walled space. A video by Johnny Birkbeck showcases the process of setting up the display.
Over the past few years history of museum collections has taken centre stage, yet it is confined within a scholarly framework fulfilling disciplinary needs. Rarely do museum panels attempt to explain to visitors how these objects ended up being in the museum, what an unknown provenance means and what implications and responsibilities this 'unknown' might force on museums.
To take the public through the journey between the field and the museum, Beyond Beauty had as its central theme the stories of the British Victorian pioneer archaeologists who were the “musketeers” behind the UK´s impressive ancient Egyptian collections. It narrated the stories of their time in Egypt and their efforts to create various publicly accessible museums dispersed around the UK, making collections available for research and education.
Local stories behind the formation of each collection are important chapters of social British history which can help strengthen the ties between the collections, the museums, and modern British identity, a much needed link within the current funding crisis facing local museums. During the exhibition, it was announced that one of our partners: Macclesfield Museum was under threat of closure. Such an announcement made the public confront first-hand the realities of the threats currently facing local small museums.
British Victorian Egyptologists were perhaps the first heritage crowd-funders in the world. The Egypt Exploration Fund (now the Egypt Exploration Society) founded by Amelia Edwards was based on the local social network she skilfully recruited to raise funds for fieldwork in Egypt and for founding the local public museums in UK. Through archival material from the Egypt Exploration society and the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, Beyond Beauty highlighted the impressive female crowd-funders behind most of the ancient Egyptian collections in northwestern UK museums. The personal stories of these ordinary women and men were intended to remind the public of the power of local communities and their capability of safeguarding their local museums in the face of current wave of funding cuts.
One of the aspects reflecting the 'academia v the public' debate most strongly is how rarely ancient Egypt contributes to modern public debates touching upon our daily hopes and fears. Although we can reconstruct the very intimate details of the lives of the ancient Egyptians, rarely do we explain what our scholarly discoveries could mean to the lives of today´s ordinary citizens. By abandoning the life and death narrative dominating museum galleries through the theme of body image and perceptions of appearance, Beyond Beauty attempted to bridge this gap.
It mainly displayed what are perceived as “dismembered” “orphaned” objects such as Brighton museum's female figurine, dubbed “curvy lady” by Two Temple Place staff and volunteers. The curvy lady symbolises fertility and is marked with tattoos reflecting how the ancient Egyptians were among the first to use tattooing to transform their bodies and acknowledged different body shapes. Similar shaped tattoos are still used today in modern Upper Egypt. Despite the figurine's immediate connection to today's culture of tattooing and attitudes towards body shape, rarely would the curvy lady be displayed solely in a display case as a centre piece,even if it actually made it to the display stage.
Due to their imperfect status, non precious materials, or non-high quality craftsmanship, other objects such as incomplete mummy masks, or coffin hands or feet are also sentenced with a destined-for-storage verdict. Such "orphaned" "imperfect" objects are testimonies of the lives of the many ordinary individuals who lived along the Nile valley thousands of years ago. They were in the eyes of their original owner precious personal belongings and could have costed them their life-savings. Today these dismembered objects are overshadowed by museological and disciplinary perceptions of what counts as interesting and worthy of display. To bring justice to their primary owners Beyond Beauty put them centre stage and offered them celebrity treatment within display cases and publicity leaflets. Through these objects the visitors were meant to see a reflection of our modern concerns and desires for body shape and appearance through the personal belongings of ancient lives.
To bring ancient Egypt even closer to the hearts and minds of visitors, we raised the question of how the ancient Egyptians would transform their bodies and appearances if they were living among us today. For the second half of the exhibition, Two Temple Place's ancient Egyptian guests were accompanied by artist Zahed Taj-Eddin's 'Nu shabits'; liberated figur(ines) who intervened the premises, wandering free with no master. Zahed's artistic interpretation put forward suggestions of how the shabtis would view and react to our world of appearances. In linking ancient Egypt to our modern daily concerns and routines the visitors were able to see how the past can help us understand ourselves.
Victorian ‘Musketeer’ archaeologists like Flinders Petrie formed strong bonds with local communities; even Amelia Edwards promoted tourism to Egypt within the UK. Yet, ancient Egypt within museums and arguably within academia is to a great extent detached from modern realities. Despite all curatorial efforts to keep visitors’ attention in museum galleries, exhibition events, shop and café can be the main attraction to museum visitors. Thus, in an attempt to create a full experience of Egypt within Two Temple Place, the exhibition events and shop reflected the perceptions of the body and appearance within modern Egypt.
Working closely with Egyptian NGOs, the Egyptian community in London, and the Egyptian embassy the exhibition celebrated modern Egypt and the continuity between its past and present. Throughout February modern Egyptian perceptions of self presentation and appearance were narrated by Egyptian artists and entrepreneurs through the exhibition's events programme and evening lectures. Visitors were able to take home not only a full experience of Egypt but also a "piece" of it.
The products in the shop were sourced by Assil Hub and Jam Space. Assil Hub promotes and supports young Egyptian artists and NGOs working in the art sector. It also supports a good cause: Amina Badaui, founder and owner of Assil who joined us from Egypt, works closely with Egyptian NGOs mentoring and training single Egyptian females maintaining low-income families as well as young Egyptian designers and artists who infuse ancient Egyptian motifs with modern designs. Our second retailer was Jam Space, an Egyptian London based bespoke furniture and home accessories design retail, which infuses modern and ancient Egyptian designs on European furnishing and accessories. Jam Space is founded by Hedayet Taymour an internationally renowned female Egyptian interior designer.
Anyone who has visited Egypt would agree that an Egyptian experience would not be complete unless koshari - Egypt's renowned street food - is on the menu. An unusual combination, koshari mixes lentils, macaroni noodles and rice into a single dish which is topped with a spicy tomato sauce using a special Egyptian spice blend, garbanzo beans and fried onions. The idea sounds strange until you taste it! To ensure the exhibition was a return ticket to ancient and modern Egypt, every Wednesday night a koshari food cart was parked outside the exhibition door serving fresh hot koshari.
The extent to which Beyond Beauty contributed to reinvent ancient Egypt and resolve the 'academic v public' debate might remain obscure. However, one definite positive outcome was experiencing how pop-up venues and collaborating with non-subject specialists has invigorated our curatorial spirit and helped us stay true to an interpretation of ancient and modern Egypt which follows rather than leads the public needs.
The exhibition catalogue and a press release can be downloaded from Two Temple Place's website. A teacher's pack relating to the exhibition has also been provided.
In London? You can try koshari from our sponsor http://www.kosharistreet.com/
Heba's talk in November 2016 centred around 3 main themes - 19th century "musketeers" who championed research and preservation of Egyptian antiquities; the "curvy" Victorian ladies who pioneered opening collections of antiquities across Britain; and the many and myriad Victorian crowdfunders whose shillings and guineas provided the initial funding for the collection and display of ancient Egyptian artefacts in towns and cities across the UK. Complementing her historical narrative was Heba's own experience co-curating the temporary exhibition "Beyond Beauty" at Two Temple Place in London, which ran for several months during the spring of 2016.
This exhibition drew on a range of collections in museums outside of London - the main aim of Two Temple Place's Bulldog Trust being to raise awareness of collections outside of London by bringing them to London. Most of the material featured in the exhibition had lain unseen in local authority museum collections for many decades, and Heba's reflections on the value, purpose and contemporary relevance of these collections provided a unique insight into present and future issues of museum management, display and marketing in relation to historic archaeological material.